Since time immemorial, we have been taught the concept of giving back to society much as it gives us. This can be accomplished in many ways, but people must practice what they have been preached about. Hence, numerous individuals have continued to reiterate their belief in selfless service.
Numerous American governments and governments in other nations have implemented programs to promote volunteering as a form of civic engagement. Such programs may be viewed as plunging along a spectrum of persuasion strategies aimed at increasing the likelihood of behavior, strategies that differ in the "strength" of the measures they employ or the "freedom" they give the individuals they are intended to choose their course of action. Targets of persuasion efforts may differ in their receptivity to the information and desire to modify their behavior.
Depending on whether they were "prone to behave as desired," "open to good offers," or "resistant to behave as desired," prospects might be categorized, according to Maibach. Such a concept is reminiscent of Kelman's seminal work on social influence, in which he proposed that individuals conform to group standards because they have "internalized" the norms, "identity" with those who adhere to the norms, or "comply" with the rules solely to avoid punishment or gain rewards.
According to Maibach's theory, several persuasion techniques would be required to get people along the "readiness" continuum to alter their behavior and follow the persuader's instructions (i.e., organization, community, or society). For instance, those who are already inclined to behave as wanted may need to be instructed about where, when, and the best way to engage in the behavior; as a result, educational campaigns like those shown frequently on TV in advertisements for public use may be sufficient to inspire this group.
On the other side of the continuum, individuals resistant to altering their behavior might need more pressure. Hence, even the most blatant attempts at persuasion may bear the weight of the legislation (and the fines and penalties accompanying it), like when vehicle safety use became required. Although such initiatives frequently necessitate ongoing observation, coercing people into engaging in actions that they are averse to has always been prone to be an uphill struggle.
Those people who fall in the middle category are neither susceptible nor resistant. Similar to independent voters, these people are susceptible to persuasion, willing to accept the best deal, and as a result, may be seduced by advantages and enticements, including both monetary (such as student loan forgiveness or tuition breaks) and non-monetary (such as chances to identify with pro athletes, figureheads, and other esteemed individuals). Volunteerism has been encouraged through persuasive efforts with these different pressure levels, likely directed toward prone, resistive, and open individuals.
If we provide someone with knowledge about how to volunteer, we could persuade them to start doing so if they are already inclined to do so but are not currently. Consider the national "Give Five" campaign, launched by the Independent Sector in 1987, as an illustration of this tactic. It aimed to get people to donate 5% of their money and 5 hours of their weekly time to charitable organizations.
Outreach messages on the air, advertisements in magazines and newspapers, and billboard displays spread this call. The campaign was quite explicit about "how much" individuals may participate, but it was silent about where what, and how they could participate. Its main goal is to remind folks of their excellent volunteering attitudes and motivate them prone to get active.
Several volunteer service organizations advertise their necessity for volunteers in local newspapers or hand out pamphlets in public meeting places on a smaller scale, where specifics can be provided. They also provide information on how and where to join their programs. Similarly, "event volunteerism," which focuses on one-time only or limited participation activities like toy drives or garbage clean-ups, may be widespread since it gives individuals who are prepared to volunteer a powerful signal. Extraordinary occasions, like yearly walk-a-thons, may present fundraising opportunities while also acting as high-profile marketing that can entice new volunteers to join groups.
It may take the most significant amount of pressure to modify the behavior of people who are reluctant to volunteer. While several nations require young men to serve in the military or their communities, this has not been the case in most. However, in recent years there has been an increase in mandated community service initiatives, frequently connected to the academic system, that makes taking part in tasks like those performed by real volunteers required to pass a course or earn a degree. For instance, high school students must do 40 hours of volunteer work before graduating.
In addition, numerous public, independent, and religious schools and school districts have made community service a requirement for graduation. In other instances, receiving academic prizes and scholarships is contingent upon completing community service. While such volunteer requirements undoubtedly motivate people to serve their community, they might have other unintended and perhaps harmful consequences.
For instance, Stukas, Snyder, and Clary evaluated participants in a university-level community service program for business students. They discovered that those who felt the requirement most tightly controlled their lives demonstrated that they were less inclined to get involved in the future (compared with those who experienced less governed). This effect was more significant for those with more prior volunteer experience. The findings show that requirements (or forceful persuasion attempts) that target individuals who are already inclined to serve and those who are averse to volunteering may do more harm than good to prior volunteers.
Contrarily, it appears likely that people who are averse to volunteering may discover prerequisites more oppressive than people who are already inclined to volunteer, implying that prerequisites might not be capable of raising volunteer behavior above the required level for people who have never volunteered (notwithstanding the anticipation of stipulation adherents that indeed such forcible actions will make the advantages of volunteerism recognized to all). The forms of volunteer labor encouraged, and the specific beneficiaries of this effort need to be carefully assessed, according to a review of the ethics of mandatory programs.
Mandates and laws only temporarily compel people who have not participated, while educational programs only activate those who have accepted the concept of volunteerism. The question is how to persuade the potentially more significant middle group—those "open to a good offer." What kinds of "deals" could be created to convince people to fit volunteer work into their daily schedules?
It should not be shocking that Maibach and others believe marketing methods and tactics are excellent options to use to boost behavior, including prosocial behavior as well as consumer behavior, given that the very word "offer" constitutes an attribute of a formal interaction and reassures us of an industry where transactions are made, and deals are bargained. Such strategies are formally called "social marketing" when they emphasize beneficial social activities. As far as we know, there have been no initiatives to deploy direct social marketing campaigns to boost volunteers.
The premises and ethical guidelines of the functional methodology share a substantial familial similarity with the premises and core elements of several social marketing campaigns. As a result, reviewing the parallels and differences between the two strategies may help organize research and practical efforts better meant to comprehend or promote volunteerism.
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